Saturday, March 24, 2007

Cream And Black Prom Suits

Basic Theory

Written on 24/03/2007

Introduction :

The human person is a being a rebel, as the direct reality, including their social and cultural formation. Its economic opportunity, has forced him to live within a class. That is, no group has been following the herd instinct or survival. This is partly because the desire for perpetuation of the bourgeoisie, preventing its dominance in the future necessarily yield place to a more social. With the same inevitability with which the formation of the bourgeoisie as a class up, was decisive in certain period of history when the struggle against feudal relations respond to the needs of historical development. In

objective laws of social development arise the contradictions and class struggle as the scientific-political phenomenon. Dialectical materialism Marxist philosophy is, examine the world as a constant and continuous evolution, for the first time in history (both in nature and society). His unique world view provides the key to the proletariat to secure their release, for in the struggle of opposites has always supported the development of society. The victory of the proletariat will lead to a new form of political power: Democracy, which decomposed into its Greek roots, is the government (dictatorship) of the people (proletariat). Opposed to the marginal state, bureaucratic and elitist, which assumes the authority and exercise of power at the expense of the majority.

Political Power:

While in the bourgeois state, we say that power is the ability to induce another or others to make certain decisions within the political system or political influence of one person over many others, and that its power is not possible without the concurrence of the influence and coercion. In the new form of political power must be considered, with the premise that the new form of state organization in the interests of the proletarian class, which institutionalized expression must be conditioned by:
1.-The proper education of the working class to understand the contradictions that must be met to produce wealth and affluence.
2.-Inclusion in their government, the necessary elements for a social development program, to include others affected by the capitalist system.

The Dictatorship of the Proletariat, would then be the ultimate expression of political autonomy and economic independence for the benefit of the majority.

Political Power Source:

In History, there are two axes on which lies the source of power:

The doctrine of divine origin: God 's who elect rulers, investing the necessary powers to conduct human affairs. Doctrine
only compatible with the absolute monarchy, thesis abandoned after the French Revolution of 1789.

The doctrine of popular origin: the result is distorted by the bourgeoisie to maintain their power after the monarchy fall. Thus, power has its roots and foundation in the village. Ie, either under the laws of the State, without distinction of classes. In Peru, the bourgeois principle is enshrined in Article 45 of the constitution of 1993.

Article 45 .- The State's power emanates from the people. Those who exercise do with the limitations and responsibilities that the Constitution and laws set ...

Send reality has been responsible for deleting and stomping. The people do not choose how to organize and under the principles of this organization. The real owner of this power are the party designated by the aristocracy to the Constituent Power. They are not made to compete as a representative of this or that popular sector, but many others are taxes, not only to decide more to choose from. Adding to not show the reality as harsh and limited our freedom, the concepts of Free Elections, Voting and Periodic Competitive Universal.

Conditions to the new Form of Power:

The state no longer need force to adjust reality to their mandates. Their representatives to the whole society, did not need the ability to impose, by having its policy entirely match with the objective laws of social development.

Legitimacy, and have no reason to be an element of power. The governed, as it does not happen in bourgeois democracy, will not have to accept the dictates of a representative of power, as he will be the real manager of his revolution. In short, legitimacy will not be given regarding the ruling, obeying because they consider reasonable, necessary, appeal or any other reason. Its acceptance by otherwise would go into the system in general, being the key driver to meet its goal of erecting a classless society, that is, without exploiters and exploited.

necessary conditions, then, for this form of government does not degenerate into "state capitalism", a term that was unknown to the Stalinist dictatorship, lies in two fundamental elements: 1.-

Education .- We refer not only to scientific and technical instruction exported and distributed in universities, but also a political party that has its foundations in an analysis of economic reality. Preventing the power was to stand up again at the hands of the capitalists, because they have wealth, organization, strength and power. Therefore, we direct all our practice to give back to the working class, knowledge, make it independent from the hands of the Technocrat.

2.-After winning governmental power, the working class as a true expression of popular will, should concentrate all its efforts for the party of the proletariat has the participation of larger number of people affected, directly or indirectly , by the capitalist system in developing the program, which allows reaching the people in a systematic way, the objectives to be achieved by the proletariat revolutionary.

Only in this way, the history of mankind, unlike the bourgeoisie, which tends to perpetuate its current domain. Know the only kind that aims to build a society in which they cease to exist as a class.

Friday, March 23, 2007

Blank Immunization Sheet

Policy What to Know for the Revolution ? My Friends

To: Jeferson Canayo Anahuari Sociology Student


UNMSM Diner on 23/03/2007


Done ... In revolutionary times, millions and millions of men learn in a week in a full year of routine life and sleepy ... Lenin

History can not be satisfied with such vague notions. Instruments needed rigorous, sharp concepts to guide them in the events in the jungle of human events. Not all popular struggle can be considered revolutionary. We get another type of name to describe this kind of process, particularly different, it belongs to the English Revolution of the seventeenth century, the four-century French VVIII and XIX and in general political life of Europe between 1750 and 1900, the Russian Revolution 1917, China 1948, Cuba 1959, Vietnam in 1975 among others.

Revolutionary attitude is the epitome of the contradictions of class struggle as the scientific and political phenomenon born of the objective laws of social development. While as a result of the offensive of neoliberalism, the average citizen does not increase their purchasing power is generating a consistent dissatisfaction with the system. His dissatisfaction is not determined as a revolutionary XXI Century or any other century in human history. To understand this statement, we must accept that the movement of society has always been driven by the struggle of opposites, but this movement has not always resulted in a development driven by the proletariat. L history has shown the role highly developed revolutionary bourgeoisie, as close as we respect the independence of our country at the hands of the natives. "The bourgeoisie can not exist, "says Karl Marx in the Communist Manifesto - but constantly revolutionizing the instruments of labor, and thereby the relations of production, and thus all social relations." For this, the bourgeoisie uses its class rule, dragging their productive to freedom from lock to prevent the expansion of its domination as a class. This analysis made by Marx, we should release as part of a historical experience, that not all have socialist revolutionary action. The proletarian struggle is not directed against abuses but against the use, ie, by a socialization of the means of production, as Marx said: "... The Communists may be summed up his theory in this single sentence: Abolition of Private Property. "

For managers of this revolution. Can we say that there are no material or social conditions in the working class to the dismantling of unions and the consequent loss of bargaining power with governments? Perhaps, that imitates the practice of unbridled capitalism against the working class? Should we before this, forget them as directly affected by the monopolistic concentration of the means of production in the hands of its class enemy? No, the sequel to the neoliberal offensive, instead of limiting the contradictions, the more acute, because now the working class is more than ever directly feel unprotected and irrational resistance to their concerns and social demands, with the only consequence, by the neo-liberalism, to fulfill its imperial final stage, unable to overcome the crisis or corrode, and only handle with the sole aim to survive and prolong its life as the dominant system in current Edmundo. The conditions are clear if we allow ourselves a moment of bookish training, to attend the scope of the worker, and listen to him, his dissatisfaction with their work situation and under its regulations, that they come back committing to support the business class.

As regards the theoretical field action, we can not fall in the spontaneity. If being militants, talk openly that the fight is not between classes but of humanity from hunger and exclusion, a very serious problem occurs in the party ranks. The criticism would be here, party organization, we can not think of lead without first understanding the nature of party-defined end-and the need for a program through which we must achieve 3 objectives: raising awareness, organizing and mobilizing . This is the only way of targeting the construction of revolutionary organizations, not hesitant to their historical role against humanity. Perhaps these were confused with those of a popular front protest, but there is much difference, as the revolutionary organizations seeking just as its main objective, to oppose the massive inebriation, we had mentioned, that is, knowing how to be in the minority for some time, otherwise, to quote Lenin: "... OK to be part of general infection, falling into the trap of "union of the masses" and not proletarian proletarian without an analysis of the difference in class "

is better to be in the minority and as well we will develop a work of criticism and clarification of errors. Propagandist work at present is the central point to release the proletarian line of drunkenness small bourgeois that different media have been responsible for creating a root and deepen theoretical conflict in the line of action. With these constraints

How then consider a proletarian revolutionary of the XXI Century? The proletarian revolutionary, we can only define a period of armed revolutionary action where there is no difference with other variants of socialism in combating the international bourgeoisie. This does not exclude or put marbles, the popular movement in their quest for freedom as an individual. To clarify this point, prophetically, to cite Lenin:

"Make war to overthrow the bourgeoisie International war is a hundred times more difficult, protracted and complex than the most stubborn of ordinary wars between states, and renounce all attempts to advance, to exploit the conflict of interests (if only temporarily) that divide our enemies, renounce agreements and commitments with potential allies (even if temporary, unstable, unsteady, conditional), is not, perhaps, something unspeakably ridiculous? Do not come to be that as yes, it's difficult to climb a mountain unexplored in nobody would have put the plant still be renounced in advance do sometimes Zigzo, to retrace our steps sometimes, to abandon the chosen direction at first to try other directions (VT XXV, p. 210).

From the above, we emphasize as a first point that can not be a revolution without arms, the opposite is falling into the idealistic thought that Ortega y Gasset as revolution considers a state of mind, a disposition of the heads in an era revolutionary. The armed struggle, is this period of revolutionary action, gives the party an inescapable duty, remain on the side of the masses, leading the fight in the most organized as possible. The second point, we will define your character must therefore be doomed to educate workers in the spirit of the revolutionary struggle and the pursuit of partnerships with other indirectly affected sectors and proletarians of other countries. Organizational development for this period is inevitable. The period of the proletarian revolution requires a direct preparation for the overthrow of imperialism and the conquest of power by the working class.

The party in this regard has to be composed of the best pictures of the working class well prepared to assume the vanguard of the working class. His combative role, can only assure victory if the driving under the knowledge of the laws of the revolution. If, however, the party is confined solely to engage in direct action of the people's demands, whatever their claims, limiting to bridge the differences and contradictions inherent in the development of class struggles, the most you could get is the liberation of the individual.

In conclusion, a party will cease to be such, but capable of overcoming the inertia and political indifference of the spontaneous movement, but is located above the immediate interests of the proletariat, but known to raise the masses to understand the interests of proletarian class. In this synthesis, only a match with the theoretical and practical mettle in the action will be able to divert the working class of petty bourgeois drunkenness and make it an independent political force. Marco

Pretzel Chereque
IUS Movement "New Generation Student"