To: Jeferson Canayo Anahuari Sociology Student
UNMSM Diner on 23/03/2007
Done ... In revolutionary times, millions and millions of men learn in a week in a full year of routine life and sleepy ... Lenin
History can not be satisfied with such vague notions. Instruments needed rigorous, sharp concepts to guide them in the events in the jungle of human events. Not all popular struggle can be considered revolutionary. We get another type of name to describe this kind of process, particularly different, it belongs to the English Revolution of the seventeenth century, the four-century French VVIII and XIX and in general political life of Europe between 1750 and 1900, the Russian Revolution 1917, China 1948, Cuba 1959, Vietnam in 1975 among others.
Revolutionary attitude is the epitome of the contradictions of class struggle as the scientific and political phenomenon born of the objective laws of social development. While as a result of the offensive of neoliberalism, the average citizen does not increase their purchasing power is generating a consistent dissatisfaction with the system. His dissatisfaction is not determined as a revolutionary XXI Century or any other century in human history. To understand this statement, we must accept that the movement of society has always been driven by the struggle of opposites, but this movement has not always resulted in a development driven by the proletariat. L history has shown the role highly developed revolutionary bourgeoisie, as close as we respect the independence of our country at the hands of the natives. "The bourgeoisie can not exist, "says Karl Marx in the Communist Manifesto - but constantly revolutionizing the instruments of labor, and thereby the relations of production, and thus all social relations." For this, the bourgeoisie uses its class rule, dragging their productive to freedom from lock to prevent the expansion of its domination as a class. This analysis made by Marx, we should release as part of a historical experience, that not all have socialist revolutionary action. The proletarian struggle is not directed against abuses but against the use, ie, by a socialization of the means of production, as Marx said: "... The Communists may be summed up his theory in this single sentence: Abolition of Private Property. "
For managers of this revolution. Can we say that there are no material or social conditions in the working class to the dismantling of unions and the consequent loss of bargaining power with governments? Perhaps, that imitates the practice of unbridled capitalism against the working class? Should we before this, forget them as directly affected by the monopolistic concentration of the means of production in the hands of its class enemy? No, the sequel to the neoliberal offensive, instead of limiting the contradictions, the more acute, because now the working class is more than ever directly feel unprotected and irrational resistance to their concerns and social demands, with the only consequence, by the neo-liberalism, to fulfill its imperial final stage, unable to overcome the crisis or corrode, and only handle with the sole aim to survive and prolong its life as the dominant system in current Edmundo. The conditions are clear if we allow ourselves a moment of bookish training, to attend the scope of the worker, and listen to him, his dissatisfaction with their work situation and under its regulations, that they come back committing to support the business class.
As regards the theoretical field action, we can not fall in the spontaneity. If being militants, talk openly that the fight is not between classes but of humanity from hunger and exclusion, a very serious problem occurs in the party ranks. The criticism would be here, party organization, we can not think of lead without first understanding the nature of party-defined end-and the need for a program through which we must achieve 3 objectives: raising awareness, organizing and mobilizing . This is the only way of targeting the construction of revolutionary organizations, not hesitant to their historical role against humanity. Perhaps these were confused with those of a popular front protest, but there is much difference, as the revolutionary organizations seeking just as its main objective, to oppose the massive inebriation, we had mentioned, that is, knowing how to be in the minority for some time, otherwise, to quote Lenin: "... OK to be part of general infection, falling into the trap of "union of the masses" and not proletarian proletarian without an analysis of the difference in class "
is better to be in the minority and as well we will develop a work of criticism and clarification of errors. Propagandist work at present is the central point to release the proletarian line of drunkenness small bourgeois that different media have been responsible for creating a root and deepen theoretical conflict in the line of action. With these constraints
How then consider a proletarian revolutionary of the XXI Century? The proletarian revolutionary, we can only define a period of armed revolutionary action where there is no difference with other variants of socialism in combating the international bourgeoisie. This does not exclude or put marbles, the popular movement in their quest for freedom as an individual. To clarify this point, prophetically, to cite Lenin:
"Make war to overthrow the bourgeoisie International war is a hundred times more difficult, protracted and complex than the most stubborn of ordinary wars between states, and renounce all attempts to advance, to exploit the conflict of interests (if only temporarily) that divide our enemies, renounce agreements and commitments with potential allies (even if temporary, unstable, unsteady, conditional), is not, perhaps, something unspeakably ridiculous? Do not come to be that as yes, it's difficult to climb a mountain unexplored in nobody would have put the plant still be renounced in advance do sometimes Zigzo, to retrace our steps sometimes, to abandon the chosen direction at first to try other directions (VT XXV, p. 210).
From the above, we emphasize as a first point that can not be a revolution without arms, the opposite is falling into the idealistic thought that Ortega y Gasset as revolution considers a state of mind, a disposition of the heads in an era revolutionary. The armed struggle, is this period of revolutionary action, gives the party an inescapable duty, remain on the side of the masses, leading the fight in the most organized as possible. The second point, we will define your character must therefore be doomed to educate workers in the spirit of the revolutionary struggle and the pursuit of partnerships with other indirectly affected sectors and proletarians of other countries. Organizational development for this period is inevitable. The period of the proletarian revolution requires a direct preparation for the overthrow of imperialism and the conquest of power by the working class.
The party in this regard has to be composed of the best pictures of the working class well prepared to assume the vanguard of the working class. His combative role, can only assure victory if the driving under the knowledge of the laws of the revolution. If, however, the party is confined solely to engage in direct action of the people's demands, whatever their claims, limiting to bridge the differences and contradictions inherent in the development of class struggles, the most you could get is the liberation of the individual.
In conclusion, a party will cease to be such, but capable of overcoming the inertia and political indifference of the spontaneous movement, but is located above the immediate interests of the proletariat, but known to raise the masses to understand the interests of proletarian class. In this synthesis, only a match with the theoretical and practical mettle in the action will be able to divert the working class of petty bourgeois drunkenness and make it an independent political force. Marco
Pretzel Chereque
IUS Movement "New Generation Student"
UNMSM Diner on 23/03/2007
Done ... In revolutionary times, millions and millions of men learn in a week in a full year of routine life and sleepy ... Lenin
History can not be satisfied with such vague notions. Instruments needed rigorous, sharp concepts to guide them in the events in the jungle of human events. Not all popular struggle can be considered revolutionary. We get another type of name to describe this kind of process, particularly different, it belongs to the English Revolution of the seventeenth century, the four-century French VVIII and XIX and in general political life of Europe between 1750 and 1900, the Russian Revolution 1917, China 1948, Cuba 1959, Vietnam in 1975 among others.
Revolutionary attitude is the epitome of the contradictions of class struggle as the scientific and political phenomenon born of the objective laws of social development. While as a result of the offensive of neoliberalism, the average citizen does not increase their purchasing power is generating a consistent dissatisfaction with the system. His dissatisfaction is not determined as a revolutionary XXI Century or any other century in human history. To understand this statement, we must accept that the movement of society has always been driven by the struggle of opposites, but this movement has not always resulted in a development driven by the proletariat. L history has shown the role highly developed revolutionary bourgeoisie, as close as we respect the independence of our country at the hands of the natives. "The bourgeoisie can not exist, "says Karl Marx in the Communist Manifesto - but constantly revolutionizing the instruments of labor, and thereby the relations of production, and thus all social relations." For this, the bourgeoisie uses its class rule, dragging their productive to freedom from lock to prevent the expansion of its domination as a class. This analysis made by Marx, we should release as part of a historical experience, that not all have socialist revolutionary action. The proletarian struggle is not directed against abuses but against the use, ie, by a socialization of the means of production, as Marx said: "... The Communists may be summed up his theory in this single sentence: Abolition of Private Property. "
For managers of this revolution. Can we say that there are no material or social conditions in the working class to the dismantling of unions and the consequent loss of bargaining power with governments? Perhaps, that imitates the practice of unbridled capitalism against the working class? Should we before this, forget them as directly affected by the monopolistic concentration of the means of production in the hands of its class enemy? No, the sequel to the neoliberal offensive, instead of limiting the contradictions, the more acute, because now the working class is more than ever directly feel unprotected and irrational resistance to their concerns and social demands, with the only consequence, by the neo-liberalism, to fulfill its imperial final stage, unable to overcome the crisis or corrode, and only handle with the sole aim to survive and prolong its life as the dominant system in current Edmundo. The conditions are clear if we allow ourselves a moment of bookish training, to attend the scope of the worker, and listen to him, his dissatisfaction with their work situation and under its regulations, that they come back committing to support the business class.
As regards the theoretical field action, we can not fall in the spontaneity. If being militants, talk openly that the fight is not between classes but of humanity from hunger and exclusion, a very serious problem occurs in the party ranks. The criticism would be here, party organization, we can not think of lead without first understanding the nature of party-defined end-and the need for a program through which we must achieve 3 objectives: raising awareness, organizing and mobilizing . This is the only way of targeting the construction of revolutionary organizations, not hesitant to their historical role against humanity. Perhaps these were confused with those of a popular front protest, but there is much difference, as the revolutionary organizations seeking just as its main objective, to oppose the massive inebriation, we had mentioned, that is, knowing how to be in the minority for some time, otherwise, to quote Lenin: "... OK to be part of general infection, falling into the trap of "union of the masses" and not proletarian proletarian without an analysis of the difference in class "
is better to be in the minority and as well we will develop a work of criticism and clarification of errors. Propagandist work at present is the central point to release the proletarian line of drunkenness small bourgeois that different media have been responsible for creating a root and deepen theoretical conflict in the line of action. With these constraints
How then consider a proletarian revolutionary of the XXI Century? The proletarian revolutionary, we can only define a period of armed revolutionary action where there is no difference with other variants of socialism in combating the international bourgeoisie. This does not exclude or put marbles, the popular movement in their quest for freedom as an individual. To clarify this point, prophetically, to cite Lenin:
"Make war to overthrow the bourgeoisie International war is a hundred times more difficult, protracted and complex than the most stubborn of ordinary wars between states, and renounce all attempts to advance, to exploit the conflict of interests (if only temporarily) that divide our enemies, renounce agreements and commitments with potential allies (even if temporary, unstable, unsteady, conditional), is not, perhaps, something unspeakably ridiculous? Do not come to be that as yes, it's difficult to climb a mountain unexplored in nobody would have put the plant still be renounced in advance do sometimes Zigzo, to retrace our steps sometimes, to abandon the chosen direction at first to try other directions (VT XXV, p. 210).
From the above, we emphasize as a first point that can not be a revolution without arms, the opposite is falling into the idealistic thought that Ortega y Gasset as revolution considers a state of mind, a disposition of the heads in an era revolutionary. The armed struggle, is this period of revolutionary action, gives the party an inescapable duty, remain on the side of the masses, leading the fight in the most organized as possible. The second point, we will define your character must therefore be doomed to educate workers in the spirit of the revolutionary struggle and the pursuit of partnerships with other indirectly affected sectors and proletarians of other countries. Organizational development for this period is inevitable. The period of the proletarian revolution requires a direct preparation for the overthrow of imperialism and the conquest of power by the working class.
The party in this regard has to be composed of the best pictures of the working class well prepared to assume the vanguard of the working class. His combative role, can only assure victory if the driving under the knowledge of the laws of the revolution. If, however, the party is confined solely to engage in direct action of the people's demands, whatever their claims, limiting to bridge the differences and contradictions inherent in the development of class struggles, the most you could get is the liberation of the individual.
In conclusion, a party will cease to be such, but capable of overcoming the inertia and political indifference of the spontaneous movement, but is located above the immediate interests of the proletariat, but known to raise the masses to understand the interests of proletarian class. In this synthesis, only a match with the theoretical and practical mettle in the action will be able to divert the working class of petty bourgeois drunkenness and make it an independent political force. Marco
Pretzel Chereque
IUS Movement "New Generation Student"
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